Shigeru Ishiba, the former Defense Minister, has been nominated as the next Prime Minister of Japan after winning the Liberal Democratic Party’s (LDP) leadership election on September 27, 2024.

The 67-year-old politician won over a nine candidates competitive group including the Economic Security Minister Sanae Takaichi, who has posed significant competition to become Japan’s first female PM of Japan. In a closely contested runoff, Ishiba received 215 votes, whereas Takaichi secured 194, underscoring the challenges faced by female candidates in Japan’s predominantly male political landscape.

Shigeru Ishiba’s victory exemplifies the enduring gender dynamics within the LDP, where traditional leadership paradigms and gender biases persistently influence electoral outcomes. Takaichi’s significant campaign, emphasizing gender equality and women’s representation, highlights the ongoing challenges women encounter in Japanese politics after her defeat. This situation highlights the need for further systemic reforms to improve female political participation, especially as Japan faces lacking gender parity in political leadership roles, evidenced by the recent Global Gender Gap Report 2024. The report indicated that women hold only a small percentage of ministerial and legislative positions. Even the latest competition Shigeru Ishiba vs Sanae Takaichi, underscores the challenges faced by female politicians and raises critical questions about the future of gender representation in Japan’s political sphere. 

Who is Sanae Takaichi

Sanae Takaichi, born on 7 March 1961, was first elected to the House of Representatives in 1993 as a member of the New Frontier Party. Following her re-election in 1996, she defected to the LDP, invoking a lot of criticism from the New Frontier Party. Following her third electoral victory in 2000, she was elevated to the position of Senior Vice Minister of the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry under Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi (2001-2006). Since 2005, she has represented the LDP as a member of the House of Representatives.

Takaichi’s political stature increased significantly during her tenure in various ministerial roles under Prime Minister Shinzō Abe. The positions encompassed Minister of State for Okinawa and Northern Territories Affairs, Science and Technology Policy, Innovation, Youth Affairs and Gender Equality, and Food Safety. In 2013, she was designated as the Head of the LDP’s Policy Research Council, where she advocated for a “Abe Statement” to replace the Murayama Statement. In 2021, Takaichi contested the leadership of the LDP, finishing third and being eliminated prior to the runoff. In 2024, she contested the LDP leadership for the second time, achieving first place in the initial round but ultimately losing in the runoff to Shigeru Ishiba, who was subsequently elected Prime Minister of Japan likely to takeover in the early October, 2024.

Background Liberal Democratic Party Presidential Election 2024

In 2023, Prime Minister Fumio Kishida reorganized his cabinet to incorporate a greater number of women and to retain political adversaries. The slush fund scandal in November 2023 resulted in the termination of multiple cabinet officials, including Chief Cabinet Secretary Hirokazu Matsuno. The opposition Constitutional Democratic Party (CDP) proposed a vote of no-confidence against the cabinet, but the motion was unsuccessful. Meanwhile, Kishida’s approval ratings has been declined, reaching to the level of 23% on 13 December 2023 and subsequently falling reached to the lowest ebb to 17%. On 14 August, Kishida declared his decision not to pursue re-election as party leader, thereby rendering the race an “open field” for prospective candidates. The announcement caused considerable uproar in Japanese politics and made the leadership election crucial. A number of potential candidates have been in race  including Taro Kono, Shigeru Ishiba, Toshimitsu Motegi, Shinjiro Koizumim, Sanae Takaichi.

In June 2024, Sanae Takaichi declared her intention to run for LDP leadership. Publishing of a book focused on economic security, rather considered a move that some interpret as a preliminary campaigning manifesto for her presidential aspirations. In June 2024, Taro Kono articulated his intention to pursue the presidency, while Shinjirō Koizumi appears to be making preparations to contend for the leadership of the LDP. In July, LDP Secretary-General Toshimitsu Motegi declared his intention to enter the race by early September. Before Kishida’s choice to withdraw from re-election, Shigeru Ishiba indicated a desire to contend for the presidency of the LDP. 

Barriers for Political Role: Gender and Culture

In the 1980s, women made significant contributions to Japanese politics, but their representation fell from 79th to 165th out of 193 countries, according to the Inter-parliamentary Union. Despite calls from the United Nations and the Democratic Party of Japan’s successful election, the party failed to reform or prioritize women in office, leading to its dissolution in 2017. In 2014, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe placed five women into political roles, but only three retained their positions due to workplace sexism scandals. 

Women gained the right to vote in 1945 and were granted greater freedom and equality under the new constitution drafted by Douglas MacArthur. Four women, including Beate Sirota Gordon, were part of the working group that drafted the section devoted to women’s rights. Post-war reforms opened education institutions to women and required equal pay for equal work. The Equal Employment Opportunity Law, which prohibits discrimination in dismissal, retirement, recruitment, and promotion, was revised in 1997 to be more comprehensive. In 2006, it also prohibited indirect discrimination. However, women remain economically disadvantaged, with a wage gap between full-time male and female workers and between full-time and irregular workers, despite a rising percentage of irregular workers among women.

Japan’s electoral reform in 1994 introduced a mixed electoral system, including Single-Member Districts (SMD) and a Party List System with proportional representation. Despite this, Japan still ranks 164th out of 193 countries in terms of women’s representation in politics. In the 2021 Japanese General Election, less than 18% of candidates were women, with 45 elected, constituting 9.7% of the 465 seats in the lower chamber. This decrease has occurred despite the Japanese government’s efforts to address this inequality. In local politics, women make up 27.8% of the local assemblies in Tokyo’s Special Wards, 17.4% in designated cities, 16.1% in general cities, 10.4% in towns and villages, and 9.1% in prefectures. In 2019, the proportion of female candidates in local assembly elections reached a record high of 17.3% in city assembly elections and 12.1% in town and village assembly elections.

In the 2022 Japanese House of Councillors Election, a record 35 women were elected to Japan’s upper house, with the number of women candidates reaching a record high of 181. However, Japan still lags vis-à-vis other developed democracies and many developing countries in terms of women’s representation in politics.

The LDP in Japan has made promises to increase female representation in politics, but has not achieved this goal. The party’s internal structure and rules do not favour female candidates, often seeking candidates with experience in bureaucracy or local politics. The LDP’s bottom-up nomination process, where initial nominations are made by local party offices, makes it difficult for Japanese women to be nominated. In 2005, Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi placed women at the top of the Proportional Representation (PR) lists, resulting in all 26 LDP women candidates winning either by plurality in their SMD or from the PR list. However, this top-down nomination was not a reflection of the LDP’s prioritization of gender equality, but rather a political strategy to signal change. After this election, the LDP has returned to its bottom-up nomination process.

 In 1989, the Japan Socialist Party (JSP), the largest left-wing opposition party to the LDP, elected 22 women to the Diet, a record number known as the “Madonna Boom.” The JSP ran women outside conventional political circles and emphasized their clean, “outsider” status to contrast themselves against the LDP, who were facing accusations of bribery, a sex scandal, and public dismay at its consumption tax policies. However, the JSP quickly lost momentum after the Madonna Boom and failed to institutionalize gender quotas due to other priorities on its agenda. 

In 2009, the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) took over the House of Representatives from the LDP in a landslide victory, with 40 out of 46 female candidates elected. However, the DPJ failed to capitalize on this momentum to institutionalize gender quotas. The DPJ ran a large number of women candidates not because the party cared about gender equality, but due to its political strategy. 

Reports suggested that Japanese voters do not have biases against female candidates; rather, low levels of female representation in Japanese politics are due to Japanese women’s reluctance to seek office. Socially mandated gender roles dictate that women should take care of children and the household. Some studies suggested that Japanese women have been more willing to run for office if parties provide support with household duties during the campaign. Women candidates of reproductive age are also less likely than men to run in SMD seats. The gender roles that discourage Japanese women from seeking elected office have been further consolidated through Japan’s model of the welfare state, particularly the “male breadwinner” model, which favors a nuclear-family household with the husband as the breadwinner and the wife as a dependent.

Gender issues remain a significant barrier to women’s political participation in Japan. Cultural expectations, societal norms, and institutional challenges contribute to the underrepresentation of women in politics. Traditional gender roles that emphasize women as primary caregivers often limit their public and professional engagement. This is coupled with political structures that are resistant to change, favoring male-dominated networks and making it difficult for women to ascend to leadership roles. Despite some improvements, such as the increase in women holding ministerial positions (up to 33.3% parity in 2024), women’s overall representation in the Japanese national parliament remains at the lowest ebb, with only 11.5% of seats occupied by women. Japan ranks 113th globally for political empowerment, highlighting the deep-seated gender imbalance in decision-making positions​. 

Additionally, Japan’s political culture, particularly within the conservative LDP, has been slow to embrace gender parity, further hindering women’s political participationand mobilization. The lack of supportive policies for work-life balance and affordable childcare options exacerbates these barriers, forcing many women to prioritize domestic roles over political aspirations. Consequently, gender issues remain a significant impediment to achieving greater female political participation in Japan. Despite being a highly developed country with one of the largest economies globally, its gender equality progress remains relatively slow, especially compared to its peers. Within this context, Sanae Takaichi’s ambitions to become Japan’s first female prime minister brought to light several deeply ingrained systemic and cultural challenges.

Sanae Takaichi Failed to be PM of Japan? 

Sanae Takaichi’s unsuccessful bid for Prime Minister underscores the entrenched gender biases and cultural expectations. Japan ranks low on the Global Gender Gap Index, indicating a persistent male dominance in political leadership, despite some progress in female ministerial representation. Societal pressures discourage many women from pursuing political careers, compounded by a welfare state model that reinforces the male breadwinner archetype. 

Japan’s political landscape presents significant barriers to female leadership, exemplified by the absence of a female Prime Minister. Cultural norms traditionally position women as caregivers, limiting their engagement in professional and public spheres. Despite women gaining voting rights in 1945, systemic challenges persist, with only 11.5% of parliamentary seats occupied by women, reflecting a broader issue of limited political representation. Additionally, the ruling LDP favors candidates with significant political experience, creating a “glass ceiling” that hinders women’s advancement. Takaichi’s credentials were strong, yet systemic gender barriers ultimately led to her defeat. This situation highlights the urgent need for institutional reforms and cultural shifts to promote gender parity in Japan’s political arena.

Conclusion 

The recent LDP leadership election, which witnessed Shigeru Ishiba defeat Sanae Takaichi, underscores the persistent gender barriers in Japan’s political landscape. Despite Takaichi’s strong campaign advocating for gender equality, her loss highlights the entrenched biases and cultural expectations that continue to hinder women’s political participation. Japan’s low representation of women in leadership roles, coupled with societal norms that prioritize traditional gender roles, necessitates urgent reforms. Addressing these systemic challenges is crucial for fostering greater female representation and achieving true political parity in Japan.